Home arrow Articles arrow Sports Medicine arrow Physical exercise and psychological well being: a
Physical exercise and psychological well being: a
Deirdre Scully, John Kremer, Mary M Meade, Rodger Graham, Katrin Dudgeon
Summary
The relation between physical exercise and
psychological health has increasingly come
under the spotlight over recent years. While the
message emanating from physiological research
has extolled the general advantages of
exercise in terms of physical health, the equivalent
psychological literature has revealed a
more complex relation. The paper outlines the
research evidence, focusing on the relation
between physical exercise and depression,
anxiety, stress responsivity, mood state, self
esteem, premenstrual syndrome, and body
image. Consideration is also given to the
phenomena of exercise addiction and withdrawal,
and implications for exercise prescription
are discussed.
Introduction
The positive role that physical exercise can play
in the prevention and treatment of a range of
medical conditions has received a great deal of
attention over recent years, with numerous
high profile reports supporting the popular
message that exercise is good for you.1–3 In
addition, research has identified the long term
protection that regular exercise affords against
a plethora of somatic complaints, including
coronary heart disease, hypertension, a
number of cancers, diabetes, and
osteoporosis.4 5 Following from these findings,
recommendations for exercise regimens emphasise
the physical benefits that accompany
increased physical activity, for example, with
the American College of Sports Medicine
(ACSM) advocating that “Every US adult
should accumulate 30 minutes or more of
moderate-intensity physical activity on most,
preferably all, days of the week”.6
Unfortunately, while the somatic benefits
associated with physical exercise are well documented,
hard evidence to support an equivalent
relation between exercise and psychological
well being is less plentiful. Indeed, neither
the ACSM guidelines nor many of the available
international public policy documents on
physical activity make specific recommendations
concerning exercise and mental health.
Of the 17 documents reviewed by Blair et al,7
only two make mention of the psychological
benefits associated with physical activity.8 9
This is true despite the fact that, when asked
about perceived health benefits of exercise,
general practitioners are most likely to mention
psychosocial benefits such as relaxation, increased
social contact, promotion of self care,
and self esteem.10
The interview survey of Smith et al10 bolsters
a notion that has gained popularity both in the
popular press and the academic community,
namely that the psychosocial benefits of physical
exercise may equal if not surpass the physiological
benefits. The present paper aims to
examine critically the evidence presented in
support of this contention, before progressing
to practical recommendations on the prescription
of exercise regimens for the treatment of a
range of psychological problems.
Physical activity and psychological well
being
Over the last decade there have been several
extensive reviews of the exercise psychology literature,
which together offer positive if guarded
support for the role that exercise can play in the
promotion of positive mental health.11–13 This
optimism is founded on growing numbers of
controlled studies which have identified the
positive effects of exercise, most often among
clinical populations. At the same time, caution
is expressed both in relation to the direction of
causality and in the use of reductionist
arguments to interpret findings. In the words of
Rejeski14 “it is misguided to theorize that
explanations for psychosocial outcomes will
ultimately be reduced to some physiological
system (e.g. cardiac-related cortical activity) or
neurochemical activity” (p 1053). Instead,
what Rejeski and others maintain is that
perceived psychosocial benefits may occur in
the absence of clearly identifiable changes in
physiological parameters, just as it is possible to
establish physiological changes in the absence
of any perceived psychological benefits.
In a wide ranging literature review,
McAuley13 has considered the relation between
exercise and both positive and negative psychological
health. In common with other review
articles, McAuley identifies the positive correlation
between exercise and self esteem, self
efficacy, psychological well being, and cognitive
functioning, and the negative correlation between
exercise and anxiety, stress, and depression.
While such information can be used to
support the general benefits of exercise, it falls
short of suggesting practical guidelines on how
exercise may be used to alleviate particular
symptoms, and, just as significantly, which
forms of exercise are likely to be most
beneficial in which circumstances. In addition,
establishing the direction of causality has
proved difficult—that is, did psychological well
being precede, follow, or operate independently
from a particular exercise regimen? With this in
mind, it is unsurprising that reviewers remain
critical of the methodological limitations of
much of the exercise psychology literature (see
Mutrie and Biddle11).
In a more innovatory critique of the
literature, Rejeski14 attempted to frame the
psychosocial outcomes of exercise in terms of a
Br J Sports Med 1998;32:111–120 111
University of Ulster at
Jordanstown, School of
Leisure and Tourism,
Jordanstown, Co.
Antrim, Northern
Ireland
D Scully
M M Meade
School of Psychology,
Queens University of
Belfast, Belfast,
Northern Ireland
J Kremer
R Graham
K Dudgeon
Correspondence to:
Dr D Scully, University of
Ulster, Shore Road,
Jordanstown, Co. Antrim
BT37 0QB, Northern
Ireland.
Accepted for publication
9 March 1998



dose-response relation, a relation that had previously
enjoyed popularity not in the exercise
psychology but in the exercise physiology
literature. According to Shepherd,15 one of the
primary issues for exercise physiologists
(alongside other health care professionals)
centres on establishing the specific association
between physical activity undertaken (a product
of intensity, frequency, and duration) and
biological responses (assessed by improvement
in aerobic fitness or health). Despite unresolved
concerns over the application of the
research paradigm,15 many public policy initiatives
continue to be based on recommendations
derived from related research.
According to Rejeski, while the doseresponse
relation may have heuristic value in
relation to the physiology of exercise, in terms
of psychological effects it fails to account for
the cognitive and emotional experiences of the
exerciser. Hence the complexity of the relation,
in terms of both dose (activity type, frequency,
intensity, and duration) and possible responses,
makes it difficult to envisage research
ever having the potential to move from
description to prescription in relation to mental
health.
Recent literature continues to urge caution
when extrapolating from the physiological to
the psychological, particularly as so few studies
are exploring the dose-response relation between
exercise and psychosocial outcomes.
Rejeski14 reviews only four such studies, with
the most significant conclusion derived from
this work being that there appears to be a ceiling
level in terms of psychosocial effects.More
specifically, these studies16 17 have suggested
that low to moderate levels of aerobic exercise
are better than traditional demanding (anaerobic)
exercise programmes in terms of enhancing
mood and improving psychological functioning.
There is greater difficulty in establishing
precise guidelines with regard to the intensity
and duration of exercise, partly because of
methodological inconsistencies across studies
reviewed, but also reflecting on differences
between the psychological functions being
evaluated. At the level of general mental health,
the literature therefore remains inconclusive as
to the relation between exercise regimens and
overall psychological well being, and, with this
in mind, it is towards the specific effects of
exercise on particular psychological functions
and conditions that attention has turned.
In 1992, the International Society of Sport
Psychology18 endorsed the position statements
earlier issued by the American National
Institute of Mental Health19 which described
the link between regular exercise and psychological
well being. Briefly, these consensus
documents posited that particular psychological
dysfunctions, most notably depression,
anxiety, and stress, can benefit from involvement
in physical activity. The evidence for a
significant and positive relation between physical
activity and psychological variables is taken
as compelling for mentally healthy
individuals20 21 but is seen as even stronger for
the psychiatric population.22 This may not be
unexpected—for example, given that the normal
population “score at the low end of
depression scores and therefore, have relatively
little room for improvement”, p 161.23 Much of
the existing literature on exercise and mental
health has focused on changes in anxiety,
depression, mood, self esteem, and stress reactivity.
Alongside these, for the purpose of this
review it was decided also to examine two less
frequently cited areas of research, those dealing
with exercise effects on premenstrual syndrome
(PMS) and also the relation between
exercise and body image.
DEPRESSION
Martinsen22 reviewed the literature dealing
with the effects of exercise on patients diagnosed
as suffering from clinical depression.
Initially, he found that such patients tended to
be physically sedentary and were characterised
by a reduced physical work capacity compared
with the general population. In itself this finding
immediately provides an argument for the
integration of physical fitness training into
comprehensive treatment programmes for depression,
while at the same time signalling the
difficulties that may be involved in implementing
an exercise regimen with a population who
are not predisposed towards exercise.
Although a number of studies stress the
importance of using aerobic exercise in the
treatment of clinical depression,23 Martinsen
found that the antidepressant effects linked
with non-aerobic exercise were equally effective.
He also found that those who continued to
exercise regularly after termination of a one
year training programme were found to have
lower depression scores than those who were
sedentary. In addition, the patients themselves
were found to be very much appreciative of the
use of exercise as a form of treatment and, as
Martinsen states, the patients ranked exercise
as, “the most important element in comprehensive
treatment programmes for depression”
(p 388).
In 1990, North et al24 conducted a metaanalysis
based on 80 studies conducted between
1969 and 1989, and included 290 effect
sizes in their analysis. The results provided
positive support for a relation between physical
exercise and depression. In particular, it was
concluded that acute and chronic exercise
effectively reduced clinical depression. All
groups of participants, regardless of gender,
age, or health status, experienced the antidepressant
effects of exercise, with the greatest
benefits noted among those experiencing
medical or psychological care. The mode and
duration of exercise were also examined and it
was found that both aerobic and non-aerobic
exercise operated as effective antidepressants.
However, the authors concede that additional
research should focus on the proposed psychotherapeutic
benefits of non-aerobic exercise,
given that numerous studies do not concur
with this finding—for example, Folkins and
Sime25 and Sachs.26 Finally, the authors also
examined issues relating to length of exercise
programme, number of sessions, as well as
intensity and frequency of exercise. Insufficient
112 Scully, Kremer, Meade, et al

data relating to the latter two elements yielded
no firm conclusions, but the meta-analysis did
suggest that the greatest improvements in
depression were found after 17 weeks of
exercise (albeit that effects were found from
four weeks onwards). Likewise, it was suggested
that the greater the number of exercise
sessions the greater the decrease in depression.
A recent narrative review27 has criticised the
meta-analysis of North et al on methodological
and interpretative grounds, urging that their
conclusions and recommendations should be
viewed with caution. In contrast, Morgan27 is
sympathetic towards a monograph reviewing
the psychological effects of aerobic fitness
training.28 Paradoxically, many of the conclusions
of both studies are identical, in that
depression was reduced after aerobic exercise
for men and women, all adult age groups,
across survey and experimental studies, and
the effects were greatest among clinical samples.
Finally, a recent paper by Nicoloff and
Schwenk29 attempts to integrate current research
with a view to providing physicians with
practical guidelines for exercise prescription as
an adjunct to other forms of psychotherapy.
Despite acknowledging that no research based
guidelines exist for recommending exercise
type, frequency, intensity, and duration, the
authors invoke prescriptions suggested by
Hill30 which basically concur with those
proposed by the ACSM.98 Such programmes
advocate aerobic exercise conducted at 60–
70% of maximal heart rate, for 30–40 minutes,
twice to five times a week.
In conclusion, on the basis of existing literature,
it seems safe to accept that physical exercise
regimens will have a positive influence on
depression, with the most powerful effects
noted among clinical populations. Limited evidence
would also suggest that aerobic exercise
is most effective, including activities such as
walking, jogging, cycling, light circuit training,
and weight training, and that regimens extending
over several months appear to yield the
most positive effects.
ANXIETY
To date, there have been over 30 published
reviews dealing with the anxiolytic effects of
exercise and physical activity. One review31
concludes that regardless of anxiety measures
taken (trait or state, behavioural, self report,
physiological), or exercise regimen invoked
(acute v chronic), the results point to a consistent
link between exercise and anxiety reduction.
Furthermore, a meta-analysis32 specifi-
cally examining studies that distinguish
between those who are coping with stress and
those who are not concluded that aerobic exercise
training programmes were effective in
reducing anxiety, particularly among those
experiencing chronic work stress. Their overall
effect sizes were comparable with those found
by other meta-analyses of the exercise-stress
literature, as well as other forms of psychotherapy
used to reduce anxiety.33 Finally, recent
research in this area34 35 has refuted criticisms of
earlier studies that imply that anxiety reduction
after exercise represents no more than a
methodological artefact36; instead, the effect
does appear to be real and substantial.
At the same time, explicating the variables
that mediate the relation between exercise and
anxiety reduction has proved problematic, a
task made doubly difficult because so few studies
specify levels of intensity, duration, and/or
length of exercise programme. To date, it can
be inferred that most research studies have
involved aerobic exercise, with the few studies
examining non-aerobic activities—for example,
strength/flexibility training—actually
showing slight increases in anxiety. Although
further research is obviously needed, it does
appear that aerobic activity is more beneficial
for anxiety reduction.
No consensus of opinion emerges from
existing reviews and meta-analyses on the level
of exercise intensity and its duration. For
example, Landers and Petruzzello31 report
conflicting results from a large number of studies.
Some suggest low intensity exercise (walking,
jogging at 40–50% of maximal heart rate),
while others argue that moderately intensive
exercise (50–60% of maximum heart rate) is
better, and yet others argue that high intensity
activity (70–75% of maximum heart rate) is
most beneficial.37 Given this lack of consensus,
a sensible compromise position in relation to
prescription appears to be that originally
proposed by Franks and Jette.38 That is, for the
individual to work with an adjustable level of
intensity, chosen by him/herself in consultation
with a physician. This solution is especially
attractive in the light of the goal setting
literature which argues that self selected goals
receive greater commitment from the participant.
The duration of individual training sessions
has been considered across individual studies,
with somewhat surprising results. According to
recent research, even a single, five minute exercise
bout may be sufficient to induce an
anxiolytic effect.31 35 37 In terms of the length of
training programmes, both clinical and nonclinical
studies have shown that the largest
anxiolytic effects are noted when programmes
have run from 10 to 15 weeks or even longer,
with smaller effects observed for programmes
lasting less than nine weeks.
In conclusion, the literature unequivocally
supports the positive effects of exercise on
anxiety, with short bursts of exercise appearing
to be sufficient, and, in addition, the nature of
the exercise does not appear to be crucial. As
with depression, the most positive effects are
noted among those who adhere to programmes
for several months.
STRESS RESPONSIVITY
A related literature has considered how exercise
may protect against stress, although
whether this should be regarded as psychological
or physiological research is questionable.
This aside, the available research suggests that
increases in physical condition or improved fitness
are likely to facilitate the individual’s
capacity for dealing with stress. In reviewing
this work,39 a distinction has been made
Exercise and psychological well being 113

between research based on either cross sectional
(categorising participants as “fit” or
“unfit” and then observing differences between
the groups) or longitudinal (using training and
control groups) designs. Results derived from
both procedures are best described as equivocal;
while the majority do show that physical
fitness correlates with a reduction in the physiological
response to psychological stress, a
smaller number of studies report negligible differences
in stress reactivity between the physically
fit and the less fit.
True experimental training studies remain
rare, although more recent contributions are
attempting firstly to manipulate levels of aerobic
fitness experimentally and secondly to correlate
these fitness levels with stress responsivity.
In addition, a number of studies have found
that aerobic exercise does appear to influence
stress responses.40–42 In each of these studies,
comparisons have been drawn between aerobic
exercise and anaerobic strength training, with
participants typically exercising at least three
times a week at moderate intensity for 12
weeks. While the effect appears robust, other
studies that have employed a similar exercise
paradigm and have used similar measures have
failed to replicate these results.43–45 As a consequence,
discussion often revolves around
methodological concerns, and definitive conclusions
remain elusive.
In conclusion, while it may be that aerobically
fit individuals do show a reduced psychosocial
stress response, the role that exercise can
play is probably best described as preventive
rather than corrective, and the stress response
itself remains only partially understood.
Clearly, this work lies at the interface between
physiology and psychology and hence raises a
great many unanswered questions about the
stress response itself and its relation to
physiological and psychological symptoms.
With these caveats in mind, it would appear
that a regimen of aerobic exercise (continuous
exercise of sufficient intensity to elevate heart
rate significantly above resting pulse rate for
over 21 minutes duration) may significantly
enhance stress responsivity, and in particular
stress that is related to lifestyle or work.
MOOD STATE
Numerous studies have investigated the mood
enhancing properties of exercise and have
shown that exercise can indeed have a positive
influence on mood state. At the same time, the
early optimism generated by studies of clinical
samples has been tempered by the discovery
that the effects of exercise on mood state may
not be as pervasive as earlier thought. For
example, Dishman46 and Frazier and Nagy47
have identified individuals who were not
initially depressed or anxious, who failed to
match a post-exercise mood enhancement as
had been noted with clinical samples. On the
other hand, it has also been shown that
individuals may self report an improvement in
mood state without a corresponding improvement
being detected by the psychometric test
of mood.48 These and other methodological
concerns have been addressed.36 In particular,
the fact that most studies examining exercise
effects on mood have utilised the Profile of
Mood States (POMS)49 has been criticised
because the test was initially validated for use in
clinical populations and includes only one
positive mood dimension (see LaFontaine et
al23). In the light of these and other criticisms,36
future reliance on the POMS as the primary
measure of mood state in exercise research
must be questioned.
A meta-analysis by McDonald and
Hodgdon28 appeared to confirm a clear relation
between exercise and positive moods, with significant
effect sizes being shown for all six subscales
of the POMS. However, more recent
research suggests that this relation may be
quite complex and demands further clarification.
For example, Lennox et al50 compared
aerobic, anaerobic, and waiting list control
groups and found no significant improvements
in long term mood states among non-clinical
samples. By comparison, other studies found
improvements in mood states of female
exercisers.51 52 Both of these latter studies
examined chronic exercise over a similar duration
to that used by Lennox et al, although the
intensity of exercise was less pronounced.
These studies highlight the possibility that
gains in physical fitness may operate independently
of mood, and hence it may be possible to
show physical fitness gains in the absence of
mood effects and vice versa. In comparison,
acute aerobic exercise has been shown to be
associated with significant positive mood
changes.53 Two recent studies examining the
benefits of acute exercise have also found mood
benefits associated with exercise.54 55 Steinberg
et al54 compared different intensity (low impact/
high impact) aerobic exercise of 25 minutes
duration with a video watching control group
and found increases in positive moods and
decreases in negative moods after exercise.
Another study55 adopting a slightly different
approach set out to determine if a lengthy bout
of acute aerobic exercise would attenuate the
adverse mood effects induced by prescribed â
blockers to normal healthy individuals. Results
showed that one hour of moderate (50% of
maximum) treadmill walking was able to
produce mood states comparable with those
recorded for participants in placebo trials. The
authors concluded that exercise prescription
should be considered a highly desirable adjuvant
therapy in cases where drug therapy is
necessary.
Overall these results do indicate that various
forms of exercise, both aerobic and anaerobic,
can be associated with an elevation of mood
state, particularly for clinical samples, although
given the diversity of results it is likely that
more than one underlying mechanism may be
implicated. The nature of these mechanisms,
whether psychosocial, psychological, psychopharmacological,
or psychophysiological, has
yet to be understood.
SELF ESTEEM
In keeping with the other relations already
examined, a positive link between exercise and
self esteem has been established and in turn
114 Scully, Kremer, Meade, et al

this appears to be strongest among those whose
self esteem is low.13 However, the reported
association is not without criticism. For example,
most studies examined global self esteem,
which is a relatively stable construct, rather
than considering domain specific esteem.56
Furthermore, few studies have explored
changes in self esteem over time, with most
focusing on differences between exercisers and
non-exercisers at a given point in time.
According to an early review,57 self esteem
improved with participation in physical activity
regardless of physical activity type. However, a
meta-analysis58 that focused solely on self
esteem in young children found a greater effect
size for aerobic activities. A more recent
review13 raises a number of methodological and
conceptual concerns, but also concurs with
previous reviews in identifying a positive
association between physical activity and self
esteem. Recent work in this area has tended to
focus on the development of valid and reliable
measures of self esteem, which in turn is
regarded as multifaceted. For example, Fox59
has developed the physical self perception pro-
file, which distinguishes between global self
esteem and physical self esteem and which in
turn has been related to factors including body
image and sports competence. Subsequent
work has been concerned with validation and
in so doing has found further support for the
notion that physical activity is associated with
higher levels of self esteem in younger and
older adult men and women.60–62
An emerging viewpoint suggests that the
more specific subdomains of self esteem, in
particular perceived sport competence, physical
condition, attractive body, and strength,
may be associated differentially with behaviour
in various sports. For example, Sonstroem et
al62 found that exercise in adult female aerobic
dancers was associated with positive evaluations
of their physical condition but with negative
evaluations of their bodies. However, little
can be said in terms of exercise prescription in
the development of self esteem or its subcomponents
because so few studies have considered
such changes over time. In fact, only one
study appears to have considered this in middle
aged men in the context of a five month walking
programme.56 The study showed a signifi-
cant relation between improved aerobic capacity
and a measure of physical esteem. Results
indicate that the greatest degree of change over
time was in the subdomain element of physical
condition, and global level self esteem showed
the smallest degree of change (although it was
still significant).
While these associations are interesting, the
literature provides little guidance as to which
forms of exercise may be beneficial to which
types of self esteem. That there is a relation is
not questioned, but the nature of that relation
has yet to be explored.
PREMENSTRUAL SYNDROME (PMS)
Despite anecdotal evidence pointing to a
relation between exercise and PMS symptomatology,
and the fact that negative effect, depression,
and anxiety, are commonly associated
with PMS, only a small number of studies have
considered the potential benefits of exercise on
PMS. One such study63 investigated the impact
of a 12 week training programme on symptom
severity in relation to primary dysmenorrhoea.
Eighteen women who were diagnosed as
suffering from dysmenorrhoea were assigned to
a training programme which involved a 30
minute walk/jog session three times a week for
12 weeks. Their symptoms were subsequently
compared with a non-exercising control group,
and it was concluded that this form of exercise
had ameliorated symptoms.
This and other examples of early research on
PMS has tended to confirm that exercise has a
prophylactic effect on a range of symptoms
both physiological and psychological.64 65 More
recently, Choi and Salmon66 monitored the
effect of various frequencies of exercise on
PMS in a self selected sample across one menstrual
cycle. Low exercise and sedentary
groups showed no improvement in symptoms
whereas the high exercise group experienced
significantly fewer symptoms. Interestingly,
competitive exercisers did not show improvements,
perhaps indicating that strenuous exercise
may be dysfunctional, and confirming earlier
speculations67–69 relating to the negative
effects of competitive exercising on anxiety and
mood state. Likewise, Cockerill et al70 found
that those who engaged in exercise more than
four times a week reported higher tension,
depression, and anger, whereas those who
exercised two to three times a week had
healthier mood state profiles.
As regards the type of exercise that appears
most beneficial, a study71 that considered this
looked at 23 premenopausal middle aged
women engaged on either an anaerobic
(strength training) or aerobic exercise programme
which took place three times a week
for one hour over a 12 week period. Participants
completed a menstrual symptom questionnaire
during their luteal phase once before
the start of the programme and once more at its
conclusion. While both aerobic and anaerobic
exercise were shown to reduce premenstrual
symptom severity, aerobic exercise appeared to
have a more significant effect on premenstrual
depression.
This study, along with previous research,72
suggests that it may not be necessary to reach
aerobic capacity in order to alleviate the negative
effects associated with PMS, and hence
increased maximal oxygen consumption does
not appear to be a causative factor. If this is the
case then the question remains as to why exercise
may be an effective treatment for PMS.
Numerous explanations have been advanced,
including the effect that exercise may have on
the oestrogen:progesterone ratio. On the one
hand, some research has indicated that sportswomen
have lower levels of oestrogen than
non-exercising women, while on the other
hand, other studies have found no
differences.73–75 Rather than assuming a direct
relation between exercise and lowered oestrogen
levels, Wells76 has suggested that these levels
reflect reduced body fat, since adipose
tissue has been identified as a source of oestro-
Exercise and psychological well being 115

gen. An alternative explanation highlights
improved glucose tolerance during this stage of
the cycle, as the symptoms of poor glucose tolerance
are similar to those often reported by
women who experience PMS, namely fatigue,
depression, anxiety, and increased appetite.77
According to others,78 79 the elevation of endorphin
levels before menstruation may be a
significant factor, and regular exercise may stabilise
or prevent extreme variation in endorphin
levels and thus decrease the effects of
PMS.
In conclusion, although the evidence continues
to point to the benefits of exercise for those
who experience PMS, while less strenuous
forms of non-competitive exercise appear most
effective, the type of exercise, its duration, and
length and in turn the reasons for improvement
in symptoms still await clarification.
BODY IMAGE
In prescribing activity for both physical and
psychological benefit, due caution must be
taken to ensure that risk factors are not
introduced that may attenuate the process of
exercise induced psychological health. The
gendered nature of physical activity cannot be
disregarded in this debate, for while men may
enjoy a symbiotic relationship with sport, too
often in the past women’s sport has been associated
with sex role conflict and associated disorders.
Fortunately, this picture may be changing
rapidly but at the same time the relation
between exercise and problems with body
image should not be ignored, for either gender.
Despite significant gains in public acceptance
and participation,80 women are still more
likely to engage in non-competitive activities
such as aerobics and keep fit,81 82 which in turn
may serve to reinforce the cult of thinness and
femininity. Franzoi84 has described a tendency
among women to focus on their body as an
aesthetic statement whereas traditionally men
have been more likely to attend to the dynamic
aspects of their bodies, such as coordination,
strength, and speed. This emphasis on the
female form in exercise settings may foster
feelings of social-physique-anxiety (SPA), constrain
enjoyment of the activity itself, and may
even be exacerbated by the nature of the clothing
required.85 McAuley et al86 reported that
SPA correlates with self presentational motives
for exercise such as weight control and
attractiveness, and is higher among women.87
Women consistently score higher than men on
measures of self confidence with regard to their
bodies and physical competence.88 89 Biddle et
al,90 among others, have emphasised the need
for exercise promoters to address this issue of
poor self confidence among women, and to
think carefully about sporting venues and other
contextual factors (for example, changing
facilities) in order to make women feel more
comfortable with their body image during
exercise.
Body image itself refers to a multidimensional
construct consisting of a set of cognitions
and feelings about one’s physique.
Research shows that body image tends to be
less positive among women,91 and is more
closely linked to women’s overall self esteem
than men’s.92 For example, in a national survey
of 803 US women, over half reported globally
negative evaluations of their body parts and a
preoccupation with losing weight.93 The implications
of such findings are considerable given
that disturbances in body image have been so
strongly implicated in the development of eating
disorders94 and clinical depression.95 Without
doubt, physicians who advocate the
adoption of exercise regimens must remain
alert to these body related concerns when prescribing
forms of physical activity.
When training and diet regimens are overly
stringent, women in particular are susceptible
to three distinct although interrelated disorders
collectively referred to as the female athlete
triad (FAT). Referring to disordered eating,
amenorrhoea, and osteoporosis, FAT is the
physical manifestation of a pathological adherence
to exercise, often coupled with inappropriate
diet.96 97 In its position paper, the
ACSM98 maintains that the syndrome can
cause morbidity and mortality, and notes in
particular that women involved in sports that
emphasise low body weight for performance or
appearance—for example, gymnastics and
dance—are most at risk. Nattiv99 has characterised
the typical sufferer as someone driven to
excel, who equates leanness with improved
performance, and who feels pressured to maintain
a low body weight. Nattiv has further outlined
criteria for screening those at risk, based
on interviewing and physical examination.
What is more, not only may exercise be associated
with body dissatisfaction, once undertaken,
it may actually be implicated in the perpetuation
of eating disorders and weight
control. Davis et al100 have described the role
that exercise may play in sustaining the cyclical
repetitious nature of eating disorders, and have
also outlined the manner in which exercise and
self starvation may interact as mutual
catalysts.101 Disordered eating practices and a
drive for thinness or leanness are often accompanied
by psychopathological consequences
observable in depressive symptoms such as low
energy and poor self esteem.102 103 With these
thoughts in mind, caution is required when
recommending exercise practices which may
provide a link in the chain of disordered eating
or which may present itself as a dysfunctional
response to body dissatisfaction.
Exercise addiction and withdrawal
Within the psychophysiology literature, an
emerging research focus is on the notion of
exercise addiction,104 105 the contention being
that the mood enhancing and analgesic properties
associated with exercise are influenced by
chemicals in the brain which are akin to
opiates.106 Until recently, support for the existence
of exercise addiction was meagre and
often anecdotal.107–109 More recent research has
suggested strong links between exercise addiction
and eating disorders.110 111 For example,
Davis et al110 found a significant relation
between exercise dependence, weight preoccupation,
and obsessive-compulsive personality
traits in eating disordered women. Further-
116 Scully, Kremer, Meade, et al

more, the same study showed a significant relation
between amount of physical activity and
obsessive-compulsiveness in high exercising
women without eating disorders.
A related concept, that of withdrawal from
habitual exercise, may also be relevant in the
context of attempting to provide exercise
prescription.112 Morgan and colleagues113
speculate that cessation of regular physical
activity could result in dysphoric states—for
example, increased anxiety, depression, restlessness,
guilt. Indeed, a number of previous
studies would concur with this
speculation.114–116 However, yet again, despite
the intuitive appeal of anecdotal examples,
there is a limited amount of empirical research
on the topic, and comparison across studies is
not possible given the methodological differences
surrounding deprivation periods and
behavioural measures.113
Whether the mechanism for supposed
exercise addiction is based on psychological
factors (for example, personality types), physiological
mechanisms (for example, endorphin
dependence), or an interplay between the two
has yet to be established. A recent
workshop104concluded that much more systematic
investigation needs to be conducted
before definitive conclusions can be made
about exercise prescription. For example, a
number of cautions were raised, including
doubts about whether the syndrome of “exercise
dependence” exists at all except as one
facet of an eating disorder,111 the danger of
confusing exercise adherence with exercise
dependence and exercise addiction,117 and that
the hypothesis for a “runner’s high”—that is,
that exercise releases endorphins which produce
physiological dependence—is still only a
hypothesis with little supportive evidence.118
Mental health and exercise prescription
Taken as a whole, the review posits that a range
of exercise regimens may be able play a therapeutic
role in relation to a number of
psychological disorders. At the same time, the
research evidence to date does not provide
unqualified support for the efficacy of exercise,
and enthusiasm must be tempered with an
acknowledgment of the dangers associated
with exercise. Certainly, the literature does not
indicate that exercise should be treated as a
panacea or snake-oil for psychological malaise
of whatever kind. Instead, it does suggest that
different forms of physical exercise may be palliative
in relation to particular conditions.
Whether that exercise be non-aerobic, aerobic,
or anaerobic, of short, medium, or long term
duration, competitive or non-competitive,
team or individual, single or multi session is not
always clear, but there are suggestions that different
psychological conditions respond differentially
to alternative exercise regimens, and
recent attempts to develop taxonomies of
physical activity and mental health may offer a
realistic starting point in attempting to draw
together some of the diverse recommendations.
30 119
As to explanations as to why more definitive
conclusions cannot be reached at this stage,
then three factors stand out. Firstly, the
research base remains thin, and primary data
are not extensive. To overcome this problem
there is a need for large scale multidimensional
experimental programmes, associated with
multivariate analyses of covariance, in order to
clarify the complexities of the relations between
physical exercise and psychological health.
Secondly, it is not yet clear how psychological
and physiological processes and functions
interact in the determination of outcomes. The
grey areas of confusion are most apparent
when dealing with psychophysiological responses
such as stress reactivity. Indeed, it
could be that cartesian notions of mind-body
dualism continue to drive a wedge between the
physiological and the psychological. Greater
collaboration between the two disciplines
would undoubtedly help this situation. Thirdly,
and in a related vein, the primary mechanisms
that underlie the relation between exercise and
psychological well being remain poorly understood.
It would also be fair to say that a great
deal of the literature remains descriptive or
atheoretical. That is, it is able to describe how
exercise and psychological well being interact
but it has shied away from asking or exploring
why the relation is as it is. Here psychophysiologists
have led the field in attempting to provide
explanations, including consideration of
the influence of catecholamines, body temperature,
and endorphins. Psychosocially, issues
relating to lifestyle, boredom, and “time out”
have also been implicated but how, when, and
where each factor may be involved is once more
a matter for debate. In all likelihood, given the
complexities of the relations between exercise
and well being outlined above, it is unlikely that
any single theory, model, or hypothesis will
suffice. Instead, multiple perspectives must be
employed.
Finally, it is also important to recognise the
difficulties associated with adherence to exercise
regimens. No matter how beneficial such
schemes may be, if there is no willingness to
exercise voluntarily then the practical utility of
exercise is diminished dramatically. Hence recommendations
must be put in context of
adherence research. For example, it has been
maintained that only 10% of the population is
committed to physical activity; 20% will start
but not adhere to exercise; 40% will promise to
start an exercise programme; 20% need to be
convinced to participate in exercise; and 10%
are not interested in any form of organised or
recommended activity.120 Such research highlights
the deep rooted resistance to taking exercise
among large sections of the population,
sections that lead essentially sedentary lives,
with inactivity rates of 25% and 15% recently
recorded for American and British populations
respectively6, and with the likelihood of even
higher rates among those with psychological
problems.
In exploring the population’s apparent resistance
to physical activity, a recent review has
considered some of the theoretical models utilised
in designing exercise interventions.121 As
with the arguments advanced above in relation
to explanations for exercise induced mental
Exercise and psychological well being 117

health benefits, they conclude that no individual
model can sufficiently explain exercise
behaviour or how best to intervene. However,
in proposing future directions in the area, it is
interesting to note that the authors draw on
largely psychological components as offering
promise for encouraging greater participation.
Specific factors outlined include enhancing self
efficacy, increasing enjoyment of the activity,
enhancing social support, and promoting the
perceived benefits of exercise. While it is not
within the scope of this paper to explore public
policy initiatives for exercise promotion further,
the authors hope that a comprehensive
review of the literature pertaining to exercise
and mental health would assist in any future
developments.
All these arguments aside, general practitioners
remain the ideal mechanism by which
to promote exercise regimens.122 123 At the same
time, recent surveys suggest that, despite a
generally favourable reception from general
practitioners themselves, their role is not without
problems, particularly in relation to the
referral system, their lack of knowledge of exercise
recommendations, and difficulty in evaluating
community health promotion
schemes.124 125 Simultaneously, “exercise by
prescription” schemes are gaining in
popularity10; a recent newspaper article reports
on one fundholding general practitioner in
Warrington, Cheshire who has invested practice
funds in opening up a medical centre gym
for his patients.126
This level of enthusiasm for exercise promotion
makes it all the more important that
researchers, physicians, and exercise practitioners
continue to work together to develop
sound guidelines. This will be of practical benefit
to the patient, and will also advance our
understanding of the interplay between exercise
and well being, allowing us to develop a
firm foundation from which to make recommendations
in the years to come. General recommendations
are now commonly accepted as
to the somatic benefits that accrue from
exercise; the relation between exercise, fitness,
and general cognitive functioning is now also
receiving closer scrutiny.127 Alongside this
research activity, now is the time to develop
more specific guidelines relating to psychological
benefits of exercise, taking due cognisance
of psychosocial variables—for example, gender,
age, previous mental health,
environment—and recognising that the picture
that will be revealed will not be as unidimensional
as previous work may have implied.

Department of Physiology, St George’s Hospital Medical School
1 Juvenal. The sixteen Satires.Translated by Peter Green. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books Ltd, 1967.
120 Scully, Kremer, Meade, et al
 
< Prev   Next >
[ Back ]